The problem isn’t just Cambridge Analytica or Facebook – it’s “surveillance capitalism”
Jennifer Cobbe
Over the weekend, allegations emerged surrounding the use of Facebook user data by a data analytics firm called Cambridge Analytica. But while they have allegedly broken Facebook’s rules, the real problem is Facebook’s business model. And it’s a model that isn't unique to Facebook. It originated with Google, which realised that the data gathered as people used its search engine could be analysed to predict what they wanted and deliver targeted advertising, and it’s also employed by most ‘free’ online services.
Over the weekend, allegations emerged surrounding the use of Facebook user data by a data analytics firm called Cambridge Analytica. But while they have allegedly broken Facebook’s rules, the real problem is Facebook’s business model. And it’s a model that isn't unique to Facebook. It originated with Google, which realised that the data gathered as people used its search engine could be analysed to predict what they wanted and deliver targeted advertising, and it’s also employed by most ‘free’ online services.
This isn't just a problem with Facebook. It's a problem with
the internet as it exists today.
‘Surveillance capitalism’ was the term coined in 2015 by
Harvard academic Shoshanna Zuboff to describe this large-scale surveillance and
modification of human behaviour for profit. It involves predictive analysis of
big datasets describing the lives and behaviours of tens or hundreds of
millions of people, allowing correlations and patters to be identified,
information about individuals inferred, and future behaviour to be predicted. Attempts
are then made to influence this behaviour through personalised and dynamic targeted
advertising. This is refined by testing numerous variations of adverts on
different demographics to see what works best. Every time you use the internet
you are likely the unwitting subject of dozens of experiments trying to figure
out how to most effectively extract money from you.
Surveillance capitalism monetises our lives for their
profit, turning everything that we do into data points to be packaged together as
a profile describing us in great detail. Access to that data profile is sold on
the advertising market. But it isn’t just access to our data profile that is
being sold – it’s access to the powerful behavioural modification tools developed
by these corporations, to their knowledge about our psychological
vulnerabilities, honed through experimentation over many years. In effect,
through their pervasive surveillance apparatus they build up intricate
knowledge of the daily lives and behaviours of hundreds of millions of people
and then charge other companies to use this knowledge against us for their
benefit.
And, as increasing numbers of people are realising,
surveillance capitalism doesn't just benefit corporations. It benefits
political organisations as well – shadowy ones like Cambridge Analytica, yes,
but also the mainstream political parties and candidates. The Obama campaign of
2008 is often described as the first ‘big data’ campaign, but it was in 2012
that his team truly innovated. The Obama team’s operations were sophisticated enough that they were able to target voters that the Romney campaign, by their own admission, didn’t even know
existed. Their use of analytics-driven microtargeting allowed them to run a
highly effective digital campaign and set an example which has been followed repeatedly
since.
Today, tools like Facebook’s Custom Audiences and Lookalike Audiences, which allow advertisers –
including political organisations – to upload lists of people, match them with
their Facebook profile, filter in the profiles of similar people who aren’t on
their list, and target them all, mean that political campaigns can greatly
extend the reach of their carefully-crafted messaging.
As Zeynep Tufekci, a professor of sociology at the University of North Carolina, says, if twentieth
century political targeted campaigns had magnifying glasses and baseball bats, those of the twenty–first century have
acquired telescopes, microscopes and
scalpels in the shape of algorithms and analytics. Campaigns can deliver
different arguments to different groups of voters, so no two people may ever see
the same set of adverts or arguments. This takes political campaigning from
being a public process to being a private, personalised affair, helped along by
access to the apparatus of surveillance capitalism.
Facebook has conducted its own research on the effectiveness
of targeted political messaging using its platform. In the 2010 US midterms it found
that it was able to increase a user’s likelihood of voting by around 0.4% per
cent by telling them that their friends had voted and encouraging them to do
the same. It repeated the experiment in 2012 with similar results. That might
not sound like much, but on a national scale it translates to around 340,000
extra votes. George Bush won the 2000 election by a few hundred votes in
Florida. Donald Trump won in part because he managed to gain 100,000 key votes
in the rust belt.
And in countries like the UK, where elections are often
decided by relatively few marginal constituencies in which political parties
focus their efforts, small numbers matter – one study of last year’s election
suggest that the Conservative Party was just 401 votes short of an overall majority. Accordingly, in 2013
the Conservatives hired Obama’s 2012 campaign manager, and both the Vote Leave campaign and
the Labour Party have boasted about their data operations. The Information
Commissioner’s Office, which oversees data protection and privacy regulation in
the UK, is investigating the use of these practices here. The new EU General
Data Protection Regulation, when it comes into force in May, promises to
provide something of a brake.
But there's also a third group who benefits from the troves
of data that surveillance capitalism corporations have gathered about the
minutiae of the daily lives of billions of people – the state. The Snowden revelations in 2013 about GCHQ and the NSA’s activities made headlines
around the world. Much of the focus was on programmes which involved, among
other things, weakening encryption standards, installing backdoors in otherwise
secure networking equipment, and placing interceptors on internet backbone
cables so as to siphon off the data passing through. These programmes rake in
billions of records every day, with GCHQ’s stated aim being to compile a profile of the internet habits of every user on the web.
There was, however, another element that was largely
overlooked – data sharing between surveillance capitalism and state security
and intelligence agencies. In the US, tech companies have long been forced to
hand over data about their users to the NSA. When Yahoo refused, they were threatened with a $250,000 fine, every day, with the
fine doubling every week that their non-compliance continued. Faced with
financial ruin, they acquiesced. In the UK, the Investigatory Powers Act, commonly known as the “snooper’s charter”, grants the security
and intelligence agencies legal authority to acquire personal datasets from
technology companies in bulk, and the Government is exploring an agreement with the US that would give British intelligence agencies
better access to these databases.
These are concerning surveillance practices that raise
difficult questions about the relationship between the citizen and the state. And
since 2013 these questions have been articulated by many – not least by the
ECJ, which ruled in 2016 that indiscriminate communications data retention is incompatible with a free and democratic society. This lead to the Government's recent
consultation on revisions to the parts of the Investigatory Powers Act that
allow the Government to require ISPs to retain records of the browsing history
of every user in the UK and provide them to security and intelligence agencies,
police, and a range of other public authorities upon request and without a
warrant or other direct judicial oversight. A challenge brought by Privacy
International to the bulk personal dataset powers contained in the Investigatory Powers Act was referred to the ECJ in September. Surveillance capitalism – with smartphones, laptops, and the
increasing numbers of ‘internet of things’ devices making up its physical
infrastructure, watching and tracking everything we do, and the public as
willing participants – increases the capacity of corporations, political
organisations, and the state to track, influence, and control populations at scale.
This is of benefit to those corporations, political organisations, and state
agencies economically, politically, and in pursuit of the increasingly nebulous
demands of ‘security’. This is how the internet of today has been built. Not
for us – for them. This is the future that we've sleepwalked into. We need to
look beyond Cambridge Analytica and Facebook. It’s time for a wider debate
about the role of surveillance in our increasingly digital society.
Jennifer Cobbe is the co-ordinator of Cambridge University's Trustworthy Technologies strategic research initiative, which researches trust, computer and internet technologies. She researches and writes on law, tech and surveillance issues.
Jennifer Cobbe is the co-ordinator of Cambridge University's Trustworthy Technologies strategic research initiative, which researches trust, computer and internet technologies. She researches and writes on law, tech and surveillance issues.
This article is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. This article was first published on Open Democracy.
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